Burma's State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has used the Burmese military forces as their core political element to face escalating pressures and awareness from the international community and the United Nations. But, the regime's top leader senior general Than Shwe tended to save its military institution from the political storm. He instead, sacrificed civil militia groups including USDA in this September people's movement led by Buddhist monks.

The recent Thailand 's elections results showed the Thai military coup leaders opening the door for people to decide. Leave the army away from the political struggle to avoid tension between army and citizens as it happened in 1992's bloody uppression. Thai power struggle shows that the elite political blocs have their own agenda for using military power in the final political struggle. Unlike the Thai political society, Burma's generals used the military institution to challenge the citizens and defend their wealth and stability.

Nevertheless, the international community and the restless people of Burma, the political activists and spiritual leaders adopted a very popular word -- "National Reconciliation" and chose to show what the regime has done against their own citizens by the democracy movement almost two decades ago. The international community and various governments includeing regime's diehard supporters China, India and ASEAN decided to push the regime to grab the grand opportunity to reconcile with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to end the country's nightmare and backwardness. No matter through different strategies they made, the objective of their requests and demands the same; "Enough is enough and let's move forward".

Why has the regime ignored the whole world's demands? Recently, one of the regime's apologists stressed that Senior General Than Shwe needs time to reinforce his tailor made domination of militarism after September's political uprising. The apologist said that the senior general might not have any immediate worry about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as long as she is being detained or about the rest of the angry citizens, spiritual leaders or international community. He only cares about his own army and military officials who do not dare to show their unhappiness over his performance towards the country's stability.

Indeed, there might be some logical differences between top generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye, but Than Shwe cares about how long he can divide the military institution and the citizens. This is a key for his holding onto power. Most of his speeches and statements are meant for the army's unity, encouragement of militarism. It is needed in Burma for defending possible disintegration, national pride, and readiness to fight neo-colonialism. He created more enemies for his army.

An ASEAN diplomats stressed that "Than Shwe might not have any solution for his own army this time if he declares the defeat of his regime to the democracy movement based on the country's needs of a political change for a better economy." He cannot eat his words that the regime is the best for the country.

Obviously, he might use brutality to keep power. He has showed his violent hand against spiritual leaders, civilians, women, even Burma's once most powerful military institution "military intelligence" along with former prime minister general Khin Nyunt should someone try to challenge his power. Hence, most of the military officials are scared.

Sources close to the SPDC stressed that "young and mid level officials are fully aware of mounting political disaster but they have to care for their stability, status quo, promotions and of cause their families' wellbeing". But they are waiting for another round of civil movement and they would side with the winners. The bottom line is they may be expecting political leaders to assure their safety and their role in the post Than Shwe era, but they still do not have any guarantee from the opposition. Indeed, Burma 's current popular word National Reconciliation does not focus on the role of the military after Than Shwe. One of the main power blocs; Burma's military institution has been hijacked by elite generals since 1962. The current dictator general Than Shwe learned from late general Ne Win and synchronizes the military as a main political bloc in Burma's political landscape. Either opposition or military insiders and reformers' limited request of the military institution to stay natural could not convey a clear message to the institution. Perhaps, the international community forgets the role of the military institution or pays too much attention to the SPDC and its elite generals to reconcile within different and distant political blocs.

Burma and Thai military have many different ideologies. The Thai military withdrew from politics in 1992 regardless of military elites staging a coup in 2006. But Burmese generals have created more elite roles for the defence services into the daily political landscape. Than Shwe knows well about it, thus, he promises them that he is the saviour creating a superior role in social and political functioning.

To end the authoritarian rule, Burmese democratic leaders should work on the military institution, to see to the division between SPDC and military personnel for the future of Burma. We all need to prepare for the transitional period with a safe haven for the military institution, and open minded officials need to consider an alternative strategy for the country. All we have to do is to save both citizens and the military institution who are both victims of authoritarian rule. Indeed, Burma's political landscape is a simply mathematic equation, who sides with who and when.