The release of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest was an auspicious moment. While her release may provide a headache for the junta, it has provided a moment of joy and hope for a democratic struggle plagued by failure.
During her public address from party headquarters on the 14th November 2010, Aung San Suu Kyi spoke of how she spent up to six hours a day listening to short wave radio broadcasts over the long years of her detention. She emphasised the importance of freedom of expression and the need for national reconciliation.
The challenges that lie ahead in achieving these two goals - Burma's second independence struggle - is too big for one person alone. Even the daughter of Burma’s first independence leader, Bogyoke Aung San.
She has rightly called for the people to support and trust her.
Many Burmese expect her to continue leading the struggle for human rights and democratic change. They want to be free from the repression and restrictions imposed on them by the military regime.
On the other hand, the junta has just let its political front - the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) - win recent elections. This confident step along the regimes "road map to democracy" has been drastically undermined by allegations of electoral fraud and vote rigging.
The military regime released Suu Kyi to relieve international pressure exerted on them. They will want to assess its implications both at home and abroad.
Despite Suu Kyi’s release 2,100 political prisoners are still locked up in prisons throughout the country. These include ethnic leaders such as Khun Tun Oo, 88 Generation leaders such as Min Ko Naing, and many prominent monks including U Gambira.
Holding no personal grudge or hatred against the ruling generals who put her under house arrest for over 15 of the past 21 years, Aung San Suu Kyi reiterated the need for dialogue with the generals.
But the last time she met Senior General Than Shwe was in 2002. This event was followed in 2003 by the Depayin massacre, which left over 70 dead and resulted in her detention.
The monks then led the people in the 2007 "Saffron Revolution".
Just a few days after Cyclone Nargis - the worst natural disaster to ever hit Burma - devastated a wide areas of Burma in 2008, the junta held a sham constitutional referendum to give itself legitimacy.
Failure to reach agreement with ethnic armed groups, ignored and neglected in the regime's electoral process, have resulted in a looming civil conflict.
Karen National Union vice-chairman David Tharkapaw was right when he told Mizzima recently that Suu Kyi's non-violent struggle against the regime had achieved little and that she could do nothing to improve things for ethnic people.
It is quite unrealistic to expect Burma's transformation into a liberal democracy to be achieved with dialogue alone.
Dialogue alone is futile while the regime and its cronies siphon off huge profits from Burma's natural wealth. Sanctions must remain and be strengthened.
Dialogue alone will not address the collapse into ruin of basic social, education and health infrastructure. Development must also occur.
Burmese people of all ethnic backgrounds have pinned high hopes on this charismatic leader who carries a most heavy burden.
The junta closely monitors her every move, and her immediate challenge will be to avoid being re-arrested.
Suu Kyi must adopt a political programme that avoids outright confrontation, but will result in long-term benefits for the people.
