The issues of refugees, migrants and resettlement are headline news around the world, whether it is due to the refugee crisis in Ukraine, refugees shipped off to Rwanda from the UK, or the thousands of migrants arriving at the southern border of the USA.
A core issue or question is that of resettlement, rather than eventually returning home. Ever since the signing in December 2018 of the Global Compact for Migration, there appears to have been a tentative “green light” given to people fleeing conflict or poverty to be able to resettle in another country, even though the wording of the agreement focuses on improving the living conditions of people at home to prevent an exodus.
Resettlement is proving to be a political and contentious issue.
STUCK IN LIMBO
Myanmar is one country where the prospect of resettlement has proved problematic recently for ethnic communities who have fled conflict and are effectively stuck in limbo.
The key problem areas involve the long-term refugees in Thailand, refugees who have fled to India, and the high-profile case of Rohingya refugees, the majority of whom are living in squalid camps in Bangladesh.
On a world level, different crises and different countries present different approaches by the country’s authorities and the international community, including the efforts of the United Nations to help exiles.
Crucial concepts that need to be understood when looking at ethnic minorities who have fled Myanmar, typically due to conflict, is the question of laying the groundwork for them to return home – rather than them seeking to resettle in a third country, a “first-world” country such as the USA or countries in Europe.
A recent protest by Rohingya refugees in camps in Bangladesh emphasized the theme “Go Home” – as the banners put it. Their message was that they want to return to Rakhine State, rather resettle in a third country.
There are exceptions, of course. Individual Myanmar citizens of both Bamar and ethnic origin have managed to escape Myanmar in the wake of the February 2021 coup to resettle in a third country, such as Australia, UK and the USA.
But when it comes to large groupings of exiles from Myanmar, they are typically caught in a rut with the emphasis of the temporary host country being on returning them home – not helping them to settle in a third country.
A BRIDGE TOO FAR
Resettlement can appear to be a bridge too far for many ethnic people who have fled Myanmar over the last three decades.
Assessment of Thailand shows that the country continues to host some 91,275 refugees (as of May 2022, under reverification) from Myanmar in the nine Thai government-run temporary shelters on the Thai-Myanmar border, according to the UNHCR. A considerable number of the 90,000-plus refugees were actually born in the camps.
Prior to the 2021 coup, there were tentative steps made to deal with the Thai refugee camp issue.
Since October 2016 over 1,000 refugees in the temporary shelters on the Thai-Myanmar border have returned to Myanmar through the Facilitated Voluntary Return programme led by the governments of Thailand and Myanmar with the support of UNHCR and other partners.
However, as the large majority have not come forward to apply for return, UNHCR continues to work closely with the Thai and Myanmar governments, refugee community and other stakeholders to “unlock a multi-solutions approach to find a dignified, sustainable and comprehensive end to this situation of protracted encampment,” as the UNHCR puts it.
What this indicates is that despite the delays, the majority of these ethnic refugees seek a better life in a third country, a developed country.
Back in the 1980s and 1990s, this used to be an option for the refugees in the Thai camps. Now it is difficult.
Although there has been some progress in preparing for a return of ethnic refugees to Myanmar over the last five years, including efforts to build villages in Myanmar for refugees to go back to, the hostilities that have erupted in ethnic areas of Myanmar in the wake of the 2021 coup has effectively put what few return programmes there were on hold. Recent fighting in Karen State, for example, has prompted further influxes of Karen people into Thailand. The Thai authorities’ approach, short term, is to encourage them to return home once the fighting dies down.
INDIA’S MIXED APPROACH
When it comes to Myanmar refugees in India, a sizeable number are ethnic Chin and Rohingya, representing two very different ethnic communities.
India’s response to refugees from Myanmar has been mixed. While the comments as of last year of UNHCR Chief of Mission for India and Maldives Mr. Oscar Mundia were gracious concerning India’s “genuine interest in the refugee crisis in all its facets and implications” – referring to a total of over 200,000 foreign refugees on its soil - the responses refugees from Myanmar have seen indicate division between Delhi – or the Centre - and local governors.
In 2021, Mizoram’s Chief Minister Zoramthanga responded early to the crisis of largely Chin refugees entering India from Myanmar in the wake of the coup and growing conflict in Chin State. “Every day, terrified Myanmar citizens are struggling to cross over to Mizoram in search of shelter and protection. Mizoram cannot just remain indifferent to their suffering today.”
Roughly 20,000 Chin refugees have fled their homes to take refuge in India over the last 18 months, according to the Indian authorities. Significant numbers have been arrested.
Indian PM Narendra Modi’s government appears to have been torn between providing a humanitarian welcome to refugees and maintaining a working relationship with whoever is in power in Myanmar – even if that is an illegal military junta. In addition, Hindu nationalist sentiment has increasingly come into play when it comes to foreign nationals, particularly Muslim refugees.
Delhi has often sought to eject refugees from India. PM Modi’s government issued its plan to deport over 40,000 Muslim Rohingya refugees, including at least 16,000, possibly 20,000, who have been registered with the UNHCR.
When an appeal was filed on behalf of two of the Rohingya refugees to the Supreme Court of India opposing the deportation, the Home Ministry filed an affidavit listing reasons why the Rohingya refugees should be deported, according to local media.
One of the reasons given, according to the ministry, is that the Rohingya pose a “threat to national security” due to their supposed ties with Islamic extremist groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba in Pakistan, the Taliban in Afghanistan and Daesh or ISIS in Iraq and Syria.
What is becoming increasingly clear is that India’s current politics, with Hindu nationalism ascendant, does not bode well for the Rohingya, a Muslim refugee community that is one of the most badly treated in the world.
BANGLADESH WARNS OF THE COST
When it comes to the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees who have fled to Bangladesh, the emphasis of the of the Dhaka authorities has been on attempting to facilitate their return to Rakhine State with the help of the Myanmar authorities – not to send them to a third country.
Apart from a relatively few Rohingya who escape and set sail for other countries in Southeast Asia, seeking work and/or exile, the majority of the 1 million-plus refugees in Bangladesh camps appear keen to return home – as seen in the recent protest in which the message was – “Go Home”.
Resettlement in a third country appears to be largely out of the question.
Bangladesh has long been warning of the cost of housing so many exiles, financially and also in terms of the negative effects on their country, socially and environmentally. Housing the refugees is a drain on a country with a large population that faces its own demographic and economic challenges.
THEORY AND PRACTICE
Minorities from Myanmar who have fled the country look set to continue to face problems in attempting to return home or seek exile in a third country.
The message from the host countries Thailand, Bangladesh and India is one in which they seek to return the refugees to their home country.
Given the worsening situation and lack of security in many areas of Myanmar as a result of post-coup conflict, the option to return home is off the table for the majority.
